ABIMBOLA ADELAKUN FROM PUNCH
Stories of godfathers and godsons falling out in Nigerian politics are tales as old as Nigeria’s democratic time; there is no new angle to them. They all follow the same plot: a monied godfather sponsors a godson to political power; godson gets into power and resents being kept on a puppet string; godson triggers a showdown; both godfather and godson disgrace themselves in public until someone either gives or both exhaust themselves. The latest of such public dramas, between the immediate former governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, and the stooge he thought he appointed to office, Siminalayi Fubara, has not quite departed from the standard fare. Wike, presumably old enough to know how arrangement between godfather and godson typically ends within the Nigerian democratic history, thought he could succeed where others have stumbled.
After being treated to what seemed like a battle of attrition between Wike and Fubara, the situation reached its climax when the presidency summoned the parties to the Presidential Villa to settle their matters. Like how the presidency supposedly resolved the Ondo situation by placing one of the key actors on a leash, beleaguered Fubara too had to sign an eight-point agreement to guarantee his survival. Some of the points the warring parties had to agree on to move forward are issues that should have been worked out through democratic processes, but those means were—once again—usurped by a president that seems to fancy itself as deus ex machina.
Going by the comments of presidential aide Ajuri Ngelale, Bola Tinubu will, from now on, be making a habit of resolving tense political situations in every part of the country. Ngelale said, “If he (Tinubu, that is) sees that peace is breaking down in any part of the country…(the) president…will take action…Nigerians are going to see that the difference between what we have seen from this president as against previous presidents of the past 24 years is that when something is wrong—whether it involves a political party or not in any part of the country—as the father of the nation, he is going to call everybody to the table and he is going to get everybody to a common resolution in the interest of the Nigerian people.” There you have it.
If you thought you voted for a president who would be devoting his energies to weighty national matters that should set the nation on the path of stability, development, and prosperity, you thought wrong. His priority now is micromanaging disputes, even if his mediation merely imposes solutions that contradict existing legal provisions and good judgment. For instance, why should the lawmakers who defected to the All Progressives Congress continue in office? They should have known better than to play a self-own card. Also, why should the commissioners in Rivers State who—of their own volition—resigned from their duty be reinstated? There is no possibility of them returning to work with the governor in good faith. Everything that has gone down in the past months will not only stand between them, but also impede their ability to work together for the good of the state. Rivers State deserves far better than being served by bile-filled politician.
That brings me to another point: what are the uncounted material and moral costs of these political crises to the people? When crises like the one that unfolded in Rivers erupt, most of the attention is—understandably—focused on the main actors engaging in a contest of political wills. But what about the people? For the case of Rivers, the grass that suffers from two elephants fighting extends beyond the state precincts all the way to the Federal Capital Territory. Both sites have their respective administrators distracted from their official duties, which is unfair to those whose lives will need to be on hold while these men engage in a rope-measuring contest.
